The meaning of Fedor Petrovich Uvarov in a brief biographical encyclopedia. Chief of Cavalry F

Foreign:

Fedor Petrovich Uvarov(-) - senior adjutant general in the Suite of Alexander I, participant in many battles of the Napoleonic Wars, cavalry general, first chief of the Cavalry Regiment.

early years

Fyodor Petrovich Uvarov was born on April 16 (27), 1769 in the Tula province. A representative of the poor, albeit ancient, Uvarov family, to another branch of which Count S.S. Uvarov belonged. Enlisted for service at the age of 6, he lived with his mother in the village of Venevsky district until the age of 18. His father, brigadier Pyotr Ilyich Uvarov, was on trial in St. Petersburg, and his property was seized. Only in 1787 did Fedor manage to come to his father in the capital and, with the help of General Tutolmin, join the Sofia Infantry Regiment (headquartered in Smolensk) with the rank of captain.

Napoleonic Wars

He was the first to receive the rank of adjutant general during the reign of Alexander I. Since July 19 (31) of the year - senior adjutant general, heading the team of all adjutants general and adjutant wings, the only member of His Imperial Majesty's Retinue in its entire history, awarded this status by the highest decree.

In 1805, commanding the Cavalry Regiment, he arrived at Austerlitz on November 19 and, on the eve of the battle, was sent with 4 regiments to reinforce the right wing; on the day of the battle he attacked the enemy several times, and in the evening he was in Bagration’s rearguard. For the campaign of 1805 he was awarded the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky and (01/28/1806) the Order of St. George, 3rd class. No. 129

Alexander I issued a decree on July 19, 1808, according to which all adjutant generals and wing adjutants were to be on the team of the senior adjutant general, Lieutenant General Uvarov, and to receive all circular instructions and orders emanating from the Military Collegium exclusively through him.

Accompanied the emperor during the Tilsit and Erfurt meetings with Napoleon. In 1810, after the death of his Polish wife (nee Princess Lyubomirskaya), he inherited extensive estates in the Volyn province. In the same year he was sent to the Moldavian army by Kamensky, who assigned him a separate corps to cover the siege of Silistria. After capturing this fortress, the army moved to Shumla. Under Batin he was shell-shocked, after which he was awarded the Order of St. on November 21, 1810. George 2nd class No. 40


A man far from politics, Uvarov used his position to frankly express to the emperor his thoughts about what the good of Russia required, as he understood it. On the advice of Archimandrite Photius, he convinced Alexander of the danger that threatened the Russian Church from the minister A. N. Golitsyn and similar mystics.

Since February 1824, Uvarov had been ill; doctors found he had throat consumption. He died in the Winter Palace. In his last days, his distant relative Count S.S. Uvarov looked after him. He was buried in the Spiritual Church of the Alexander Nevsky Lavra. K. Ya. Bulgakov wrote to his brother on November 21, 1824:

Uvarov's funeral was distinguished by splendor; Emperor Alexander and the Grand Dukes were present at all events from the first to the last. Subsequently, on March 8, 1834, Pushkin wrote in his diary: “At Uvarov’s funeral, the late sovereign followed the coffin. Arakcheev said loudly (I think to A. Orlov): “One king is seeing him off here, how will another one meet him there?” (Uvarov is one of the regicides on March 11th).”

As a sign of gratitude to his subordinates in the Guards Corps, Uvarov left 400 thousand rubles for the construction of a monument in their honor. This money was later used to build the Narva Triumphal Gate, which was opened 10 years after the general’s death.

Married (since 1805) to the widow of General Valerian Zubov, Maria Fedorovna (1773-1810), he had no children.

Achievement list

In service:

  • November 17 (28) - entered service as a sergeant in the artillery;
  • November 3 (14) - promoted to captain-army in the Life Guards. Preobrazhensky Regiment;
  • April 1 (12) - sergeant;
  • December 1 (12) - sergeant, in the Life Guards. Horse regiment;
  • January 1 (12) - released into the army as a captain, in a corps sent to the Mediterranean Sea, then was during the formation of troops in the Olonets governorship;
  • September 8 (19) - promoted to second major;
  • June 10 (21) - prime major;
  • May 14 (25) - lieutenant colonel;
  • March 19 (30) - transferred to Count Saltykov's Cuirassier 2nd Regiment;
  • April 12 (23) - promoted to colonel;
  • August 21 (September 1) - transferred to the Cuirassier Regiment of Major General Zorn;
  • September 3 (14) - in the Life Guards. Equestrian;
  • October 19 (30) - granted adjutant general, with promotion to major general;
  • August 9 (20) - chief of the Cavalry Corps (since 1800 - regiment);
  • November 5 (17) - promoted to lieutenant general;
  • October 4 (16) - promoted to cavalry general for distinguished service against the enemy.

Personal qualities

Unlike all the other participants in the March 11 conspiracy, Fyodor Uvarov enjoyed the favor of Alexander Pavlovich until the end of his life. It was believed that Uvarov was forced to join the regicide plot solely by personal devotion to the heir to the throne, and not by concern for his own benefit.

Uvarov did not have the talents of a commander, but he treated his subordinates humanely and did not recognize the merits of shagistics, which is why he was in conflict with the parade general Arakcheev, who called Uvarov “a spy and earpiece” for the emperor.

Contemporaries mocked the fact that one of the people closest to the emperor was a man who grew up in the village, and therefore knew little French and was generally poorly educated. “With not very strict moral rules and with not brilliant mental abilities,” V. delicately writes. book Nikolai Mikhailovich, “Uvarov was, in the full sense of the word, the darling of happiness.” A sociable and cheerful man, he loved to host receptions.

Uvarov sometimes successfully hit the French on the battlefield, but he hit the French language even more successfully and deadly in conversation. The hunt was mortal, and the fate was bitter. His answer to Napoleon is known when he asked him who commanded the Russian cavalry in a brilliant attack in some battle: - je, sire.

This answer gave Uvarov the nickname General Je and was distributed in society in various versions. One day, Uvarov and Miloradovich, also known for his poor knowledge of French, were talking heatedly about something. Alexander I asked Langeron (a Frenchman by birth) what they were talking about. “Sorry, sir,” Langeron replied, “I don’t understand them, they speak French.”

Awards

Write a review of the article "Uvarov, Fedor Petrovich"

Notes

  1. See about this the story of Boris Sadovsky “Under Pavlov’s Shield” (1910).
  2. Pushkin: the unknown about the known: selected materials, 1994-1998. Autograph, 1999. Pp. 61.
  3. Miloradovich G. A.// List of persons in the retinue of their majesties from the reign of Emperor Peter I to 1886. By seniority of the day of appointment. Adjutants General, retinues of major generals, adjutants attached to persons, and brigade majors. - Kyiv: Printing house S.V. Kulzhenko, 1886. - P. 14.
  4. Miloradovich G. A.// List of persons in the retinue of their majesties from the reign of Emperor Peter I to 1886. By seniority of the day of appointment. Adjutants General, retinues of major generals, adjutants attached to persons, and brigade majors. - Kyiv: Printing house S.V. Kulzhenko, 1886. - P. 17.
  5. Every day “Uvarov rode out with the emperor in the morning on horseback or walked on foot with His Majesty in the Summer Garden,” recalled E. Komarovsky.
  6. Alexander I.// Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire, since 1649. - St. Petersburg. : Printing house of the II department of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery, 1830. - T. XXX, 1808-1809, No. 23167. - pp. 447-448.
  7. Letters to my brother // Russian Archive. 1903. Book. 2. - P. 78.
  8. Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich. "Russian portraits of the 18th and 19th centuries." Issue 4, No. 98.

Sources

An excerpt characterizing Uvarov, Fedor Petrovich

– Quelle force! Quel style! [What power! What a syllable!] - praise was heard to the reader and writer. Inspired by this speech, Anna Pavlovna’s guests talked for a long time about the situation of the fatherland and made various assumptions about the outcome of the battle, which was to be fought the other day.
“Vous verrez, [You will see.],” said Anna Pavlovna, “that tomorrow, on the sovereign’s birthday, we will receive news.” I have a good feeling.

Anna Pavlovna's premonition really came true. The next day, during a prayer service in the palace on the occasion of the sovereign's birthday, Prince Volkonsky was called from the church and received an envelope from Prince Kutuzov. This was a report from Kutuzov, written on the day of the battle from Tatarinova. Kutuzov wrote that the Russians did not retreat a single step, that the French lost much more than we did, that he was reporting in a hurry from the battlefield, without having yet managed to collect the latest information. Therefore, it was a victory. And immediately, without leaving the temple, gratitude was given to the creator for his help and for the victory.
Anna Pavlovna's premonition was justified, and a joyfully festive mood reigned in the city all morning. Everyone recognized the victory as complete, and some were already talking about the capture of Napoleon himself, his deposition and the election of a new head for France.
Far from business and among the conditions of court life, it is very difficult for events to be reflected in all their fullness and force. Involuntarily, general events are grouped around one particular case. So now the main joy of the courtiers was as much in the fact that we had won as in the fact that the news of this victory fell precisely on the sovereign’s birthday. It was like a successful surprise. Kutuzov’s news also spoke about Russian losses, and Tuchkov, Bagration, and Kutaisov were named among them. Also, the sad side of the event involuntarily in the local St. Petersburg world was grouped around one event - the death of Kutaisov. Everyone knew him, the sovereign loved him, he was young and interesting. On this day everyone met with the words:
- How amazing it happened. At the very prayer service. And what a loss for the Kutais! Oh, what a pity!
– What did I tell you about Kutuzov? - Prince Vasily now spoke with the pride of a prophet. “I always said that he alone is capable of defeating Napoleon.”
But the next day there was no news from the army, and the general voice became alarming. The courtiers suffered for the suffering of the unknown in which the sovereign was.
- What is the position of the sovereign! - said the courtiers and no longer praised him as the day before, but now condemned Kutuzov, who was the cause of the sovereign’s anxiety. On this day, Prince Vasily no longer boasted about his protege Kutuzov, but remained silent when it came to the commander-in-chief. In addition, by the evening of this day, everything seemed to come together in order to plunge the residents of St. Petersburg into alarm and worry: another terrible news was added. Countess Elena Bezukhova died suddenly from this terrible disease, which was so pleasant to pronounce. Officially, in large societies, everyone said that Countess Bezukhova died from a terrible attack of angine pectorale [chest sore throat], but in intimate circles they told details about how le medecin intime de la Reine d "Espagne [the Queen's physician of Spain] prescribed Helen small doses some kind of medicine to produce a certain effect; but how Helen, tormented by the fact that the old count suspected her, and by the fact that the husband to whom she wrote (that unfortunate depraved Pierre) did not answer her, suddenly took a huge dose of the medicine prescribed for her and died in agony before they could give help. They said that Prince Vasily and the old count took on the Italian, but the Italian showed such notes from the unfortunate deceased that he was immediately released.
The general conversation centered around three sad events: the unknown of the sovereign, the death of Kutaisov and the death of Helen.
On the third day after Kutuzov’s report, a landowner from Moscow arrived in St. Petersburg, and news of the surrender of Moscow to the French spread throughout the city. It was terrible! What was the position of the sovereign! Kutuzov was a traitor, and Prince Vasily, during the visites de condoleance [visits of condolence] on the occasion of the death of his daughter, which were made to him, spoke about Kutuzov, whom he had previously praised (he could be forgiven in his sadness for forgetting what he had said before), he said, that nothing else could be expected from a blind and depraved old man.
“I’m only surprised how it was possible to entrust the fate of Russia to such a person.”
While this news was still unofficial, one could still doubt it, but the next day the following report came from Count Rostopchin:
“The adjutant of Prince Kutuzov brought me a letter in which he demands from me police officers to accompany the army to the Ryazan road. He says that he is leaving Moscow with regret. Sovereign! Kutuzov’s act decides the lot of the capital and your empire. Russia will shudder upon learning of the cession of the city where the greatness of Russia is concentrated, where the ashes of your ancestors are. I will follow the army. I took everything away, I can only cry about the fate of my fatherland.”
Having received this report, the sovereign sent the following rescript to Kutuzov with Prince Volkonsky:
“Prince Mikhail Ilarionovich! Since August 29 I have not had any reports from you. Meanwhile, on September 1st, through Yaroslavl, from the Moscow commander-in-chief, I received the sad news that you had decided to leave Moscow with the army. You yourself can imagine the effect this news had on me, and your silence aggravates my surprise. I am sending with this general the adjutant Prince Volkonsky in order to find out from you about the position of the army and the reasons that prompted you to such sad determination.”

Nine days after leaving Moscow, a messenger from Kutuzov arrived in St. Petersburg with official news of the abandonment of Moscow. This sent was the Frenchman Michaud, who did not know Russian, but quoique etranger, Busse de c?ur et d'ame, [however, although a foreigner, but Russian at heart,] as he himself said to himself.
The Emperor immediately received the messenger in his office, in the palace of Kamenny Island. Michaud, who had never seen Moscow before the campaign and who did not speak Russian, still felt moved when he appeared before notre tres gracieux souverain [our most gracious sovereign] (as he wrote) with the news of the fire of Moscow, dont les flammes eclairaient sa route [whose flame illuminated his path].
Although the source of Mr. Michaud's chagrin [grief] should have been different from that from which the grief of the Russian people flowed, Michaud had such a sad face when he was brought into the Tsar's office that the Tsar immediately asked him:
- M"apportez vous de tristes nouvelles, colonel? [What news did you bring me? Bad, Colonel?]
“Bien tristes, sire,” answered Michaud, lowering his eyes with a sigh, “l"abandon de Moscou. [Very bad, Your Majesty, abandonment of Moscow.]
– Aurait on livre mon ancienne capitale sans se battre? [Have they really betrayed my ancient capital without a battle?] - the sovereign suddenly flushed and said quickly.
Michaud respectfully conveyed what he was ordered to convey from Kutuzov - namely, that it was not possible to fight near Moscow and that, since there was only one choice left - to lose the army and Moscow or Moscow alone, the field marshal had to choose the latter.
The Emperor listened in silence, without looking at Michaud.
“L"ennemi est il en ville? [Has the enemy entered the city?],” he asked.
– Oui, sire, et elle est en cendres a l"heure qu"il est. Je l "ai laissee toute en flammes, [Yes, Your Majesty, and he is turned into a conflagration at the present time. I left him in the flames.] - Michaud said decisively; but, looking at the sovereign, Michaud was horrified by what he had done. The Emperor began to breathe heavily and quickly, his lower lip trembled, and his beautiful blue eyes instantly became wet with tears.
But this lasted only one minute. The Emperor suddenly frowned, as if condemning himself for his weakness. And, raising his head, he addressed Michaud in a firm voice.
“Je vois, colonel, par tout ce qui nous arrive,” he said, “que la providence exige de grands sacrifices de nous... Je suis pret a me soumettre a toutes ses volontes; mais dites moi, Michaud, comment avez vous laisse l"armee, en voyant ainsi, sans coup ferir abandonner mon ancienne capitale? N"avez vous pas apercu du decouragement?.. [I see, Colonel, in everything that is happening, that Providence requires great sacrifices from us... I am ready to submit to his will; but tell me, Michaud, how did you leave the army that was leaving my ancient capital without a battle? Have you noticed any loss of spirit in her?]
Seeing the calmness of his tres gracieux souverain, Michaud also calmed down, but to the sovereign’s direct, essential question, which also required a direct answer, he had not yet had time to prepare an answer.
– Sire, me permettrez vous de vous parler franchement en loyal militaire? [Sir, will you allow me to speak frankly, as befits a real warrior?] - he said to gain time.
“Colonel, je l"exige toujours,” said the sovereign. “Ne me cachez rien, je veux savoir absolument ce qu”il en est.” [Colonel, I always demand this... Don’t hide anything, I definitely want to know the whole truth.]
- Sire! - said Michaud with a thin, barely noticeable smile on his lips, having managed to prepare his answer in the form of a light and respectful jeu de mots [play on words]. - Sire! j"ai laisse toute l"armee depuis les chefs jusqu"au dernier soldat, sans exception, dans une crinte epouvantable, effrayante... [Sire! I left the entire army, from the commanders to the last soldier, without exception, in great, desperate fear...]
– Comment ca? – the sovereign interrupted, frowning sternly. – Mes Russes se laisseront ils abattre par le malheur... Jamais!.. [How so? Can my Russians lose heart before failure... Never!..]
This was just what Michaud was waiting for to insert his play on words.
“Sire,” he said with a respectful playfulness of expression, “ils craignent seulement que Votre Majeste par bonte de céur ne se laisse persuader de faire la paix.” “Ils brulent de combattre,” said the representative of the Russian people, “et de prouver a Votre Majeste par le sacrifice de leur vie, combien ils lui sont devoues... [Sir, they are afraid only that your Majesty, out of the kindness of his soul, will not decide to make peace . They are eager to fight again and prove to Your Majesty by the sacrifice of their lives how devoted they are to you...]
- Ah! - the sovereign said calmly and with a gentle sparkle in his eyes, hitting Michaud on the shoulder. - Vous me tranquillisez, colonel. [A! You reassure me, Colonel.]
The Emperor, with his head down, was silent for some time.
“Eh bien, retournez a l"armee, [Well, then return to the army.],” he said, straightening up to his full height and turning to Michaud with a gentle and majestic gesture, “et dites a nos braves, dites a tous mes bons sujets partout ou vous passerez, que quand je n"aurais plus aucun soldat, je me mettrai moi meme, a la tete de ma chere noblesse, de mes bons paysans et j"userai ainsi jusqu"a la derniere ressource de mon empire. “Il m"en offre encore plus que mes ennemis ne pensent,” said the sovereign, becoming more and more inspired. “Mais si jamais il fut ecrit dans les decrets de la divine providence,” he said, raising his beautiful, gentle and brilliant feelings eyes to the sky, - que ma dinastie dut cesser de rogner sur le trone de mes ancetres, alors, apres avoir epuise tous les moyens qui sont en mon pouvoir, je me laisserai croitre la barbe jusqu"ici (the sovereign pointed his hand to half his chest) , et j"irai manger des pommes de terre avec le dernier de mes paysans plutot, que de signer la honte de ma patrie et de ma chere nation, dont je sais apprecier les sacrifices!.. [Tell our brave men, tell all my subjects , wherever you go, that when I no longer have a single soldier, I myself will become the head of my kind nobles and good men and thus exhaust the last funds of my state. They are more than my enemies think... But if It was destined by divine providence that our dynasty should cease to reign on the throne of my ancestors, then, having exhausted all the means in my hands, I will grow a beard until now and would rather go eat one potato with the last of my peasants than dare to sign the shame of my homeland and my dear people, whose sacrifices I know how to appreciate!..] Having said these words in an excited voice, the sovereign suddenly turned around, as if wanting to hide from Michaud the tears that had come to his eyes, and walked into the depths of his office. After standing there for a few moments, he returned with long steps to Michaud and with a strong gesture squeezed his hand below the elbow. The sovereign’s beautiful, meek face became flushed, and his eyes burned with a gleam of determination and anger.
“Colonel Michaud, n"oubliez pas ce que je vous dis ici; peut etre qu"un jour nous nous le rappellerons avec plaisir... Napoleon ou moi,” said the sovereign, touching his chest. – Nous ne pouvons plus regner ensemble. J "ai appris a le connaitre, il ne me trompera plus... [Colonel Michaud, don’t forget what I told you here; maybe someday we will remember this with pleasure... Napoleon or I... We can no longer reign together. I recognize him now, and he will not deceive me anymore...] - And the sovereign, frowning, fell silent. Hearing these words, seeing the expression of firm determination in the eyes of the sovereign, Michaud - quoique etranger, mais Russe de c?ur et d"ame - felt himself at this solemn moment - entousiasme par tout ce qu"il venait d"entendre [although a foreigner, but Russian at heart... admiring everything that he heard] (as he said later), and in the following expressions he portrayed himself as his feelings, as well as the feelings of the Russian people, whom he considered himself authorized.
- Sire! - he said. - Votre Majeste signe dans ce moment la gloire de la nation et le salut de l "Europe! [Sovereign! Your Majesty signs at this moment the glory of the people and the salvation of Europe!]
The Emperor bowed his head and released Michaud.

While Russia was half conquered, and the inhabitants of Moscow fled to distant provinces, and militia after militia rose to defend the fatherland, it involuntarily seems to us, who did not live at that time, that all Russian people, young and old, were busy only with to sacrifice oneself, save the fatherland or cry over its destruction. Stories and descriptions of that time, without exception, speak only of self-sacrifice, love of the fatherland, despair, grief and heroism of the Russians. In reality this was not the case. It seems to us that this is so only because we see from the past one common historical interest of that time and do not see all those personal, human interests that the people of that time had. Meanwhile, in reality, those personal interests of the present are so much more significant than general interests that because of them the general interest is never felt (not even noticeable at all). Most people of that time did not pay any attention to the general course of affairs, but were guided only by the personal interests of the present. And these people were the most useful figures of that time.
Those who tried to understand the general course of affairs and wanted to participate in it with self-sacrifice and heroism were the most useless members of society; they saw everything inside out, and everything they did for the benefit turned out to be useless nonsense, like the regiments of Pierre, Mamonov, plundering Russian villages, like lint plucked by the ladies and never reaching the wounded, etc. Even those who, loving to be clever and express their feelings, they talked about the present situation in Russia, involuntarily bearing in their speeches the imprint of either pretense and lies, or useless condemnation and anger at people accused of something for which no one could be guilty. In historical events, the most obvious is the prohibition of eating the fruit of the tree of knowledge. Only unconscious activity bears fruit, and the person who plays a role in a historical event never understands its significance. If he tries to understand it, he is struck by its futility.
The significance of the event that was taking place in Russia at that time was all the more unnoticeable, the closer human participation was in it. In St. Petersburg and provincial cities distant from Moscow, ladies and men in militia uniforms mourned Russia and the capital and talked about self-sacrifice, etc.; but in the army that was retreating beyond Moscow, they hardly spoke or thought about Moscow, and, looking at its conflagration, no one swore revenge on the French, but thought about the next third of their salary, about the next stop, about Matryoshka the sutler and the like...
Nikolai Rostov, without any goal of self-sacrifice, but by chance, since the war found him in the service, took a close and long-term part in the defense of the fatherland and therefore, without despair and gloomy conclusions, looked at what was happening in Russia at that time. If they had asked him what he thought about the current situation in Russia, he would have said that he had nothing to think about, that Kutuzov and others were there for that, and that he had heard that the regiments were being recruited, and that they would probably fight for a long time , and that under the current circumstances it would not be surprising for him to receive a regiment in two years.
Because he looked at the matter this way, he not only accepted the news of his appointment on a business trip for repairs for the division in Voronezh without regret that he would be deprived of participation in the last struggle, but also with the greatest pleasure, which he did not hide and which his comrades understood very well.
A few days before the Battle of Borodino, Nikolai received money and papers and, sending the hussars ahead, went to Voronezh by mail.
Only those who have experienced this, that is, have spent several months without ceasing in the atmosphere of military, combat life, can understand the pleasure that Nicholas experienced when he got out of the area that the troops reached with their forages, supplies, and hospitals; when he, without soldiers, wagons, dirty traces of the presence of the camp, saw villages with men and women, landowners' houses, fields with grazing cattle, station houses with fallen asleep caretakers. He felt such joy as if he had seen it all for the first time. In particular, what surprised and pleased him for a long time were women, young, healthy, each of whom had less than a dozen officers looking after her, and women who were glad and flattered that a passing officer was joking with them.
In the most cheerful mood, Nikolai arrived at the hotel in Voronezh at night, ordered himself everything that he had been deprived of for a long time in the army, and the next day, having shaved clean and putting on a dress uniform that had not been worn for a long time, he went to report to his superiors.
The head of the militia was a civil general, an old man who, apparently, was amused by his military rank and rank. He angrily (thinking that this was a military quality) received Nicholas and significantly, as if having the right to do so and as if discussing the general course of the matter, approving and disapproving, questioned him. Nikolai was so cheerful that it was just funny to him.
From the chief of the militia he went to the governor. The governor was a small, lively man, very affectionate and simple. He pointed out to Nikolai those factories where he could get horses, recommended to him a horse dealer in the city and a landowner twenty miles from the city who had the best horses, and promised all assistance.
– Are you Count Ilya Andreevich’s son? My wife was very friendly with your mother. On Thursdays they gather at my place; “Today is Thursday, you are welcome to come to me easily,” said the governor, dismissing him.
Directly from the governor, Nikolai took the saddlebag and, taking the sergeant with him, rode twenty miles to the landowner's factory. Everything during this first time of his stay in Voronezh was fun and easy for Nikolai, and everything, as happens when a person is well disposed, everything went well and went smoothly.
The landowner to whom Nikolai came was an old bachelor cavalryman, a horse expert, a hunter, the owner of a carpet, a hundred-year-old casserole, an old Hungarian and wonderful horses.
Nikolai, in two words, bought for six thousand and seventeen stallions for selection (as he said) for the horse-drawn end of his renovation. Having had lunch and drunk a little extra Hungarian, Rostov, having kissed the landowner, with whom he had already gotten on first name terms, along the disgusting road, in the most cheerful mood, galloped back, constantly chasing the coachman, in order to be in time for the evening with the governor.
Having changed clothes, perfumed himself and doused his head with cold milk, Nikolai, although somewhat late, but with a ready-made phrase: vaut mieux tard que jamais, [better late than never] came to the governor.
It was not a ball, and it was not said that there would be dancing; but everyone knew that Katerina Petrovna would play waltzes and ecosaises on the clavichord and that they would dance, and everyone, counting on this, gathered at the ballroom.
Provincial life in 1812 was exactly the same as always, with the only difference that the city was livelier on the occasion of the arrival of many wealthy families from Moscow and that, as in everything that happened at that time in Russia, it was noticeable some kind of special sweepingness - the sea is knee-deep, the grass is dry in life, and even in the fact that that vulgar conversation that is necessary between people and which was previously conducted about the weather and about mutual acquaintances, was now conducted about Moscow, about the army and Napoleon.
The society gathered from the governor was the best society in Voronezh.
There were a lot of ladies, there were several of Nikolai’s Moscow acquaintances; but there were no men who could in any way compete with the Cavalier of St. George, the repairman hussar, and at the same time the good-natured and well-mannered Count Rostov. Among the men was one captured Italian - an officer of the French army, and Nikolai felt that the presence of this prisoner further elevated the importance of him - the Russian hero. It was like a trophy. Nikolai felt this, and it seemed to him that everyone was looking at the Italian in the same way, and Nikolai treated this officer with dignity and restraint.

Uvarov Fedor Petrovich (16.4.1769, village of Khruslavka, Venevsky district, Tula province - 20.11.1824, St. Petersburg), cavalry general (1813), adjutant general (1798). From the nobles; son of a foreman. On 12/17/1775 he was enlisted as a sergeant in the artillery; on 11/3/1780 he was transferred as captain-army to the Life Guards. Preobrazhensky Regiment, 12/1/1787 reassigned to the Life Guards. The cavalry regiment was a sergeant (he was on leave to obtain an education). Due to lack of funds, he was transferred to the Sofia Infantry. regiment with the assignment of the rank of captain on January 1, 1788. On September 8, 1790 he was promoted to second major with transfer to the Smolensk Dragoon Regiment, on June 10, 1794 he was promoted to prime major for distinction, on May 14, 1795 - to lieutenant colonel.

During the reign of the Emperor. Paul I had a dizzying career: on March 19, 1797 he was transferred to the Ekaterinoslav Cuirassier Regiment, on April 12, 1798 he was promoted to colonel, on September 3, 1798 he was transferred to the Life Guards. Cavalry regiment, 10/19/1798 promoted to major general and granted adjutant general, appointed chief of the Cavalry Regiment on 8/9/1799 and promoted to lieutenant general on 11/5/1800.

With the accession of the Emperor. Alexander I was again appointed adjutant general on March 19, 1801. With his regiment he distinguished himself in the campaign of 1805: at Austerlitz several. once successfully attacked the French, captured the height, installed a battery on it, ensuring the retreat of the Ros. troops (awarded the orders of St. Alexander Nevsky and St. George, 3rd class). In the campaign of 1806 and 1807, he more than once led cavalry in attacks near Gutstadt (Order of St. Vladimir, 2nd class), Heilsberg, Friedland (golden saber “For Bravery” with diamonds).

5.11.1807 appointed com. the entire cavalry of the 1st division located in St. Petersburg. In 1810 he took part in the fighting on the Danube, commanding the vanguard of the Moldavian army (Ord of St. George, 2nd class).

In 1812 he commanded the 1st Reserve Cavalry. body. In the case near the Kolotsk monastery, Gen. was sent to support the rearguard. P. P. Konovnitsyna. In the Battle of Borodino, together with the Cossack corps of M. I. Platov, he tried to carry out a raid bypassing the enemy’s left flank, but did not complete the task set by M. I. Kutuzov, got involved in skirmishes on the flank and was soon repulsed (was not nominated for a reward for Borodino) . While pursuing the enemy, he fought near Vyazma and Krasnoye. In the campaigns of 1813-14 he was with the emperor. Alexander I, carrying out his orders sometimes in the most dangerous places. For distinction in the Battle of Leipzig on October 8, 1813 he was promoted to general. from the cavalry, for the campaign of 1814 he received an order. St. Vladimir 1st Art.

From 1 November 1821 he commanded the Guards. body. From 30.8.1823 member of the State. advice. Buried in the Church of the Descent of the Holy Spirit of the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in St. Petersburg; in 1937 the remains were transferred to the Lazarevskaya tomb there.

Ros was also awarded. the orders of St. Andrew the First-Called, St. Anne 1st class, St. John of Jerusalem; Prussian Orders of the Black Eagle and Red Eagle, 1st class; Austrian Military hord. Maria Theresa 3rd class; French hord. St. Louis.

UVAROV FEDOR PETROVICH

Uvarov (Fedor Petrovich, count, 1773 - 1824) - military general; first served in the Horse Guards regiment, and then transferred to the Smolensk Dragoon Regiment. When the uprising broke out in Warsaw, he was there with his squadron, but managed to withdraw it and join the corps of the general. Igelstrom; after that he participated in several affairs with the insurgents and in 1793. In 1794 he was appointed adjutant general. In 1805, commanding a cavalry regiment, he arrived at Austerlitz on November 19 and, on the eve of the battle, was sent with 4 regiments to reinforce the right wing; on the day of the battle he attacked the enemy several times, and in the evening he was in Bagration’s rearguard. In 1810 he was sent to the Moldavian army of Kamensky, who assigned him a separate corps to cover the siege of Silistria. After taking this fortress, the army moved to Shumla; for distinction in Batyn's case he was awarded the Order of St. George 2nd class. At the beginning of the Patriotic War he was appointed to the 1st Zap. army, command a reserve cavalier. body. On August 23, he was in action at the Kolotsk Monastery, and then in the battle of Borodino. After that, while in Miloradovich’s detachment, in the battle near the village of Krymsky, with his attack he contributed to the happy outcome of the matter; near Vyazma and Krasny, the enemy was forced to retreat from decisive cavalry attacks. In 1813 and 1814 he served under Emperor Alexander I. In 1821 he was appointed commander of the Guards Corps.

Brief biographical encyclopedia. 2012

See also interpretations, synonyms, meanings of the word and what UVAROV FEDOR PETROVICH is in Russian in dictionaries, encyclopedias and reference books:

Uvarov Fedor Petrovich, hero Patriotic War of 1812, cavalry general was born on April 16 (28), 1773, from an ancient, poor noble family. His father, Pyotr Ilyich Uvarov, rose to the rank of foreman. Fyodor Uvarov as a child was enrolled as a sergeant in the artillery. As was customary: as the child grew, his rank also changed.

Fedor began serving in the army at the age of 15 captain in the Sofia Infantry Regiment. Two and a half years later he was promoted to seconds-majors, continued to serve in the Smolensk Dragoon Regiment. Participated in hostilities in Polish campaign in 1792-1794, commanded a squadron. Participated in clashes with rebels during Columns and World.

In Warsaw, on the night of April 6, when the Poles attacked Russian troops, resisting the Confederates, he managed to break out of the city with a squadron, and was promoted to prime major for his bravery. Then he took part in military operations against the Poles in Lithuania, distinguished himself during the capture of Vilna, and personally by A.V. Suvorov. was produced in lieutenant colonels.

In 1787, Uvarov was transferred to the Ekaterinoslav Cuirassier Regiment in St. Petersburg and received the rank of colonel. Then he served in the Life Guards Cavalry Regiment. At the age of 25, Uvarov was granted adjutant generals with production in major generals, was awarded the Order of Saint Anna 1st degree. Since 1800, Fyodor Uvarov commanded the Cavalry Regiment. On November 17 of the same year he was promoted to lieutenant generals. There has been rapid career growth!

Napoleon attacked the center of the Russian position and the left flank. The attack of Uvarov and Platov caused confusion in parts of the left French flank, the enemy was forced retreat. But Uvarov received an order from Barclay de Tolly to return, so he did not continue pursuing the enemy.

Perhaps the inconsistency in the actions of the command affected, but, nevertheless, the attack of Uvarov and Platov forced Napoleon to lose two hours in inaction, and during this time our left flank was strengthened. Kutuzov was not satisfied with the results of the attack, and Uvarov and Platov were not nominated for awards for the Battle of Borodino.

During the retreat of the Russian army to Moscow, the corps of Uvarov F.P. was in the rearguard and on August 29 at the village Crimean decisively attacked the French cavalry, after which the French retreated. At the council in Fili he spoke out against abandonment of Moscow by the Russian army and for carrying out a new decisive battle. He took part in the battles of Vyazma and Krasnoye, thanks to the brilliant attacks of his cavalry, the French were forced to retreat.

During the foreign campaign of the Russian army in 1813-1814. was under the emperor, carried out his important assignments. He distinguished himself in the “Battle of the Nations” at. Was introduced to the rank cavalry general. After the end of hostilities, for a long time he performed only the duties of adjutant general to the sovereign, enjoyed his special favor and trust, and became one of the most persons close to the emperor.

Uvarov accompanied Alexander I during his travels to England and Hungary, as well as on a number of trips around Russia. At the end of 1821 he was appointed commander of the Guards Corps, and in 1823 he was appointed a member of the State Council. Fyodor Petrovich died on November 20 (December 2), 1824, and was buried in the Spiritual Church of the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in the presence of Alexandra I and great princes.

Contemporaries noted that General Uvarov F.P. did not have any special talents as a commander, but at the same time he was an honest, kind man, who tried not to do harm to anyone, he was also a good boss, an excellent cavalry officer. He treated his subordinates humanely, cared about the health of the soldiers, and the soldiers were devoted to him and treated him with trust.

Fedor Uvarov was born on April 27, 1769 in the village of Khruslovka, Tula province. He was a representative of the poor, albeit ancient, family of the Uvarovs. Enlisted in the military service at the age of six, he lived with his mother in a village in Venevsky district until he was eighteen. The father, brigadier Pyotr Ilyich Uvarov, was on trial in St. Petersburg, and his property was seized. Only in 1787 did Fedor manage to come to his father in the capital and, with the help of General Tutolmin, join the Sofia Infantry Regiment with the rank of captain.

Lack of personal funds did not allow Fedor Uvarov to begin active service in the elite horse guards. On the first day of 1788, he was transferred with the rank of captain to the Sofia Infantry Regiment, that is, he became an ordinary army officer. As a second major of the Smolensk Dragoon Regiment, he participated in the battles against Swedish troops in Finland.

He received the ranks of prime major and lieutenant colonel for distinguished service in the Polish campaign of 1794. In the battle of Warsaw with the squadron he “made his way through the rebels,” fighting them off for 36 hours. Participated in the case near the town of Soly and the capture of the fortifications of Vilna.

During the reign of Paul I, when hundreds of military men fell into disgrace, Uvarov made a dizzying career. The Emperor openly favored this man. In April 1798, he was promoted to colonel of the Ekaterinoslav Cuirassier Regiment, and in October of the same year to major general with the award of Pavlovsk adjutant general. This is followed by the awarding of the Order of St. Anne, 1st degree.

The accession of Alexander I did not affect Uvarov’s career: under the new sovereign he remained both his adjutant general and the chief of the cavalry guards. From then on, he became one of the people closest to the young emperor and invariably accompanied him on his walks.

For the first time he managed to distinguish himself on the battlefield during the Russian-Austro-French War of 1805. And not just anywhere, but on the field of Austerlitz. The cavalry regiment, under the personal leadership of its chief, attacked the French several times under cannon fire. Uvarov managed to capture the height and install a battery on it. At the end of the battle lost by the allies, regardless of any danger, the cavalry guards covered the retreat of the Russian troops.

Uvarov showed off his talent as a cavalry commander in the Russian-Prussian-French War of 1806 - 1807. The Russian cavalry he led in attacks shone on the battlefields of Gutstadt, Heilsberg and Friedland. In 1807 he commanded the Guards Cavalry Brigade.

For valor in the first of these battles he was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir, II degree, and in the third he was awarded a Golden weapon with the inscription “For bravery” and decorated with diamonds.

Uvarov also had a chance to fight with the Turks on the banks of the Danube. In 1810, the lieutenant general commanded the vanguard of the Moldavian army, for which he was awarded the Order of St. George, II degree. He took part in the siege of the fortresses of Silistria and Rushchuk, the battles of Shumla, and the occupation of the fortress of Nikopol.

With the beginning of the Patriotic War, he commanded the first reserve cavalry corps, which was part of the first Western army of Minister of War Barclay de Tolly. Initially, the corps consisted of the 1st brigade, 2nd brigade and 5th horse artillery company. At the end of July, the Life Guards Cossack Regiment became part of the corps. When the Kazan dragoons left to “partisan”, their place was taken by the Elisavetgrad Hussar Regiment.

Until the city of Gzhatsk, along the army’s retreat route, the corps did not gather together, fighting as separate regiments in the corps’ rearguards. The service record of the first reserve cavalry corps includes Vilkomir and Kochergishki, Babinovichi and Ostrovno, Kakuvyachino and Luchesa, Smolensk and Valutina Gora. East of Gzhatsk, the corps came together and was sent to reinforce the main rearguard of General Konovnitsyn. Uvarov had the opportunity to distinguish himself in a battle with the French near the Kolotsky Monastery.

Before the day of Borodin, the Uvarov corps consisted of 230 officers and 2,300 lower ranks; a total of 2530 sabers. According to the disposition for the battle, he was on the right flank of the Kutuzov army, having received a noticeable reinforcement: now his strength was 28 squadrons, 12 horse guns, a total of 3,400 people.

In the Battle of Borodino, Uvarov’s cavalry, together with the Cossack corps of Ataman Matvey Platov, carried out a raid to the rear of the Napoleonic army, bypassing its left flank. The results of this raid of a large mass of cavalry in a pitched battle still cause controversy among researchers and historians.

Uvarov and Platov did not complete the task assigned to them. Having been drawn into private skirmishes on the enemy flank, we found ourselves in front of the steep banks of the Kolochi River, hesitated, and the enemy managed to repel this blow from the Russian cavalry. Her attacks turned out to be scattered. Kutuzov, submitting a petition to Emperor Alexander I to reward the generals of the Main Army for the Battle of Borodino, did not include either Adjutant General Uvarov or Ataman Platov in it.

But the fact remains: Napoleon, fearing for rear communications and his left flank, transferred part of his forces there and was forced to suspend attacks on the Borodin field for two hours. This allowed the Russian commander-in-chief to regroup his troops and prepare for the continuation of the great battle.

During the counteroffensive, Lieutenant General Uvarov took part in the battles of Vyazma and Krasnoye. In the first case, he supported the attacking efforts of the Russian infantry with his artillery: his two cuirassier divisions and the Tula Cossack regiment were unable to cross the swampy floodplain of the Ulitsa River and take part in the general attack of the city. At Krasny, the 1st Reserve Cavalry Corps was part of the forces of General Miloradovich.

After the end of the wars with Napoleon's empire, Fyodor Petrovich continued to remain surrounded by the sovereign. In November 1816, he took command of the Guards Corps, the basis of the capital's garrison. Seven years later he became a member of the State Council. Order of St. John of Jerusalem, commander (1800)
Silver medal "In memory of the Patriotic War of 1812"
Golden saber “For Bravery” with diamonds (1807)
Military Order of Maria Theresa, Knight (Austria, 1814)
Military Order of Maximilian Joseph, Grand Cross (Bavaria, 1814)
Order of Military Merit, Commander (Württemberg, 1814)
Order of the Black Eagle (Prussia, 1814)
Order of the Red Eagle, 1st class (Prussia, 1814)
Order of Saint Louis, Grand Cross (France, 1814)



Related publications