Kamenev, Lev Borisovich - biography. Lev Kamenev Lev Borisovich Kamenev short biography

2nd Chairman of the All-Russian Central Election Commission

Predecessor:

Nikolai Semenovich Chkheidze

Successor:

Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov

2nd Chairman of the Labor and Defense Council of the USSR

Prime Minister:

Alexey Ivanovich Rykov

Predecessor:

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

Successor:

Alexey Ivanovich Rykov

2nd People's Commissar of Foreign and Internal Trade of the USSR

Predecessor:

Alexander Dmitrievich Tsyurupa

Successor:

Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan

Date of Birth:

Place of Birth:

Moscow, Russian Empire

Date of death:

A place of death:

Moscow, RSFSR

Education:

MSU (expelled)

Olga Davidovna Bronstein

Sons: Alexander and Yuri

October 1917

Party career

After Lenin's death

Personality of Kamenev

Personal relations with Stalin

In fiction

Film incarnations

(real name Rosenfeld, July 6 (18), 1883 - August 25, 1936) - Soviet party and statesman, Bolshevik, revolutionary. In 1936 he was convicted in the case of the Trotskyist-Zinoviev Center and executed. Posthumously rehabilitated in 1988.

early years

Lev Rosenfeld (Kamenev) was born in Moscow into an educated Russian-Jewish family. His father was a driver on the Moscow-Kursk Railway, and later - after graduating from the St. Petersburg Technological Institute - became an engineer; mother graduated from Bestuzhev higher courses. He graduated from high school in Tiflis and in 1901 entered the law faculty of Moscow University. Joined the student social democratic circle. For participation in a student demonstration on March 13, 1902 he was arrested and in April deported to Tiflis. In the autumn of the same year he went to Paris, where he met Lenin. Returning to Russia in 1903, he prepared a strike of railway workers in Tiflis. Conducted propaganda among workers in Moscow. Arrested and deported to Tiflis under open police supervision. At the V Congress of the RSDLP in 1907, Kamenev joined the Central Committee (Central Committee) of this party.

Kamenev carried out revolutionary work in the Caucasus, Moscow and St. Petersburg. In 1914, he headed the newspaper Pravda. During World War I, Kamenev spoke out against Lenin's slogan, popular among the Bolsheviks, about the defeat of his government in the imperialist war. In November 1914 he was arrested and in 1915 exiled to the Turukhansk region. Released after the February Revolution.

October 1917

In 1917, he repeatedly disagreed with Lenin in his views on the revolution and on Russia's participation in the First World War. In particular, pointing out that " The German army did not follow the example of the Russian army and still obeys its emperor", Kamenev concluded, " that in such conditions Russian soldiers cannot lay down their arms and go home», therefore, the demand “down with the war” is now meaningless and should be replaced with the slogan: “Pressure on the Provisional Government to force it to openly, ... immediately make an attempt to persuade all the warring countries to immediately open negotiations on ways to end the world war.”.

Lenin criticized Kamenev's line, but considered the discussion with him useful.

At a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) on October 10 (23), 1917, Kamenev and Zinoviev voted against the decision on an armed uprising. They outlined their position in a letter “Towards the Current Moment”, which they sent to party organizations. Recognizing that the party leads “the majority of the workers and therefore part of the soldiers” (but not at all the majority of the bulk of the population), they expressed the hope that “with the right tactics we can get a third, or even more seats in the Constituent Assembly.” The aggravation of need, hunger, and the peasant movement will put more and more pressure on the Socialist Revolutionary and Menshevik parties “and force them to seek an alliance with the proletarian party against the landowners and capitalists represented by the Cadet Party.” As a result, “our opponents will be forced to yield to us at every step, or we, together with the left Socialist Revolutionaries, non-party peasants and others, will form a ruling bloc, which will basically have to carry out our program.”

But the Bolsheviks could undermine their successes if they “now take the initiative to act and thereby expose the proletariat to the blow of a united counter-revolution supported by petty-bourgeois democracy.” “We raise a voice of warning against this disastrous policy” [“Protocols of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b)” p. 87-92].

On October 18, in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn, Kamenev published an article “Yu. Kamenev about the “speech”. On the one hand, Kamenev announced that he “is not aware of any decisions of our party that involve the appointment of any performance for a particular period,” and that “such party decisions do not exist.” On the other hand, he made it clear that there was no unity within the Bolshevik leadership on this issue: “Not only me and Comrade Zinoviev, but also a number of fellow practitioners find that taking the initiative for an armed uprising at the present moment, given the balance of social forces, independently and a few days before the Congress of Soviets would be an unacceptable step, disastrous for the cause of the revolution and the proletariat” (ibid., pp. 115-116). Lenin regarded this speech as a disclosure of a virtually secret decision of the Central Committee and demanded that Kamenev and Zinoviev be expelled from the party. On October 20, at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), it was decided to limit ourselves to accepting Kamenev’s resignation and charge him and Zinoviev with the obligation not to make any statements against the intended party line.

Party career

During the October Revolution on October 25 (November 7), 1917, Kamenev was elected chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. He left this post on November 4 (17), 1917, demanding the creation of a homogeneous socialist government (a coalition government of the Bolsheviks with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries).

In November 1917, Kamenev became part of the delegation sent to Brest-Litovsk to conclude a separate agreement with Germany. In January 1918, Kamenev, at the head of the Soviet delegation, went abroad as the new Russian ambassador to France, but the French government refused to recognize his powers. Upon returning to Russia, he was arrested on March 24, 1918 in the Åland Islands by Finnish authorities. Kamenev was released on August 3, 1918 in exchange for the Finns arrested in Petrograd.

From September 1918, Kamenev was a member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and from October 1918, Chairman of the Moscow Soviet (he held this post until May 1926).

Since March 1919, Kamenev became a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). On April 3, 1922, it was Kamenev who proposed appointing Stalin as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Since 1922, due to Lenin's illness, Kamenev chaired meetings of the Politburo.

Scientists and writers turned to Kamenev for help more than once; he managed to achieve the release from prison of the historian A. A. Kiesewetter, the writer I. A. Novikov and others. The poet M.A. Voloshin invited Kamenev to his house in Koktebel.

On September 14, 1922, Kamenev was appointed deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) of the RSFSR and deputy chairman of the Council of Labor and Defense (STO) of the RSFSR. After the formation of the USSR in December 1922, Kamenev became a member of the Presidium of the USSR Central Executive Committee. Since 1923, Kamenev became deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the STO of the USSR, as well as director of the Lenin Institute.

After Lenin's death

After Lenin's death, Kamenev in February 1924 became chairman of the USSR STO (until 1926). In the internal party struggle between Stalin and Trotsky in 1924-1925, Kamenev supported Stalin.

However, then, in 1925-1927, Kamenev was one of the leaders of the New Opposition in the party. At the XIV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in December 1925, Kamenev stated: “Stalin cannot fulfill the role of a unifier of the Bolshevik headquarters. We are against the theory of unity of command, we are against creating a leader.”

In December 1925, Kamenev was transferred from member to candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee, and on January 16, 1926, he lost his posts in the Council of People's Commissars and the STO of the USSR and was appointed People's Commissar of Foreign and Domestic Trade of the USSR. On November 26, 1926, he was appointed plenipotentiary envoy to Italy.

In October 1926, Kamenev was removed from the Politburo, in April 1927 - from the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, and in October 1927 - from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In December 1927, at the XV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Kamenev was expelled from the party. Sent to Kaluga. Soon he issued a statement admitting mistakes.

In June 1928, Kamenev was reinstated in the party. In 1928-1929 he was the head of the Scientific and Technical Directorate of the Supreme Economic Council of the USSR, and from May 1929, the chairman of the Main Concession Committee of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.

In October 1932, Kamenev was again expelled from the party for failure to inform in connection with the “Marxist-Leninist” case and sent into exile in Minusinsk.

In December 1933, Kamenev was again reinstated in the party and appointed director of the scientific publishing house Academia. Kamenev was the author of biographies of Herzen and Chernyshevsky, published in the ZhZL series.

At the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks he made a speech of repentance.

In December 1934, Kamenev was arrested and on January 16, 1935, in the “Moscow Center” case, he was sentenced to 5 years in prison, and then, on June 27, 1935, in the “Kremlin Library and Kremlin Commandant’s Office” case, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison.

In August 1936, Kamenev was convicted in the case of the “Trotskyist-Zinovievsky United Center” and executed on August 25. It is alleged that on the way to the place of execution, he stood firm and tried to cheer up the discouraged Grigory Zinoviev: “Stop it, Grigory, we will die with dignity!” He refused the last word.

In 1988 he was rehabilitated for lack of evidence of a crime.

Personality of Kamenev

In his memoirs, Boris Bazhanov wrote:

In himself, he is not a power-hungry, good-natured and rather “bourgeois” person. True, he is an old Bolshevik, but not a coward, he takes the risks of the revolutionary underground, and is arrested more than once; during the war in exile; liberated only by revolution. He is an intelligent, educated man, with the talents of a good government worker (nowadays they would say “technocrat”). If it were not for communism, he would be a good socialist minister in a “capitalist” country.

...In the area of ​​intrigue, cunning and tenacity, Kamenev is completely weak. Officially, he “sits on Moscow” - the capital is considered his patrimony, just like Zinoviev’s Leningrad. But Zinoviev organized his own clan in Leningrad, seated it and holds his second capital in his hands. While Kamenev is alien to this technique, does not have any clan of his own and sits in Moscow by inertia.

Family

L. B. Kamenev’s first wife is L. D. Trotsky’s sister, Olga Davidovna Bronstein (1883-1941), whom he met in Paris in 1902. The marriage broke up in 1927 due to Kamenev’s frequent love affairs. Both of Kamenev's sons from his marriage to O.D. Bronstein - pilot Alexander Kamenev and Yuri Kamenev (1914-1936) - were shot. The grandson lives in Moscow.

The second wife (since 1928) - Glebova Tatyana Ivanovna, after the execution of her husband, was sent into exile in Biysk and died in the camps. The son of L. B. Kamenev from his marriage to her is Vladimir Lvovich Glebov (1929-1994), scientist-historian, professor of the philosophy department of the Novosibirsk State Technical University (NSTU, former NETI). The grandchildren of L. B. Kamenev - Evgeniy Vladimirovich Glebov (born 1961), Ulyana Vladimirovna Glebova (born 1968), Ustinya Vladimirovna Glebova (born 1975) - live in Novosibirsk.

Personal relations with Stalin

".. This happened in the city of Achinsk,..., where Joseph Dzhugashvili was taken at the end of 1916 in connection with conscription into the army. In Achinsk, Stalin usually sat silently in the living room and listened to the conversations that Kamenev had with the guests, but, as evidenced, eyewitnesses, the owner usually treated his guest rather rudely, who mostly sat silently in the corner of the living room, abruptly interrupted Dzhugashvili, considering that, due to the level of his education, he could contribute little of his own to the highly intellectual discussions that arose in the living room, and Stalin, as a rule, , fell silent." Quoted from the book by Kuznechevsky V.D. "Stalin. "Mediocrity" that changed the world"

In fiction

Kamenev served as the prototype for the protagonist of V.V. Nabokov’s story “The Extermination of Tyrants.” The circumstances of the interrogations and reprisals against Kamenev are described in Anatoly Rybakov’s novel “The Thirty-Fifth and Other Years” (a continuation of the novel Children of the Arbat).

Film incarnations

  • ?? ("The Oath", 1946)
  • ?? (“Hostile Whirlwinds”, 1953)
  • ?? (“In the days of October”, 1958)
  • Albert Wenoch (“Bürgerkrieg in Rußland”, television series (Germany, 1967)
  • Georges Ser (“Stalin-Trotsky” / “Staline-Trotsky: Le pouvoir et la révolution”, France, 1979)
  • Victor Burchardt (December 20, 1981)
  • ?? (Red Bells, 1983)
  • Albert Burov (Enemy of the People - Bukharin, 1990)
  • ?? (Under the sign of Scorpio, 1995)
  • Evgeny Kindinov (Children of Arbat, 2004)
  • Fyodor Olkhovsky (Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno, 2006)
Predecessor: Alexander Dmitrievich Tsyurupa Successor: Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan November 26 - January 7 Head of the government: Alexey Rykov Predecessor: Platon Kerzhentsev Successor: Dmitry Kursky Religion: Birth: July 6 (18)(1883-07-18 )
Moscow, Russian Empire Death: 25-th of August(1936-08-25 ) (53 years old)
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Lev Borisovich Kamenev (Rosenfeld, July 6 (18) ( 18830718 ) year - August 25 of the year) - Russian revolutionary, Soviet party and statesman. Prominent Bolshevik, comrade-in-arms of Lenin. Chairman of the Moscow City Council (1918-1926); from 1922 - deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and the STO, and after Lenin's death - chairman of the STO until January 1926. Member of the Central Committee in 1917-1927, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee in 1919-1926, and then a candidate member of the Politburo. Member of the Central Executive Committee and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the USSR.

In the autumn of the same year he went to Paris, where he met Lenin. Returning to Russia in 1903, he prepared a strike of railway workers in Tiflis. According to evidence cited by L. Trotsky, at the Caucasian regional conference in Tiflis in November 1904, “Kamenev was chosen as an agitator and propagandist traveling throughout the country for convening a new party congress, and he was also instructed to travel around committees throughout the country and contact our foreign centers of that time." According to L. Trotsky, Kamenev from the Caucasus became a member of the Bureau of Majority Committees. Conducted propaganda among workers in Moscow. Arrested and deported to Tiflis under open police supervision. At the V Congress of the RSDLP in 1907, Kamenev was elected to the Central Committee of the RSDLP and at the same time became part of the separate “Bolshevik center” created by the Bolshevik faction.

Kamenev carried out revolutionary work in the Caucasus, Moscow and St. Petersburg. In 1914, he headed the newspaper Pravda. During World War I, Kamenev spoke out against Lenin's slogan, popular among the Bolsheviks, about the defeat of his government in the imperialist war. In November 1914 he was arrested and in 1915 exiled to the Turukhansk region. While in exile in Achinsk, Kamenev, together with several merchants, sent a welcoming telegram addressed to Mikhail Romanov in connection with his voluntary renunciation of the throne as the first citizen of Russia. Released after the February Revolution.

October 1917

Many representatives of my generation would probably agree: from the course of Soviet history about Lev Kamenev, we either heard nothing at all or silent mentions in a negative way. During the perestroika era, when censorship was abolished and Kamenev, among others, was posthumously rehabilitated, interest in this figure increased significantly.

There were also some emotional overtones: they say, if Kamenev “and his comrades” had not come to power, Russia could have taken a completely different path. Today, when the storms of controversy have subsided, we understand more and more clearly: all of them, the first generation of Russian Bolsheviks, were tarred with the same world. Many did not care about Russia; they plunged it into bloody civil strife for the sake of their fanatical and utopian plans.

Biography of Lev Kamenev (6(18).07.1883-25.08.1936)

The life path of Lev Rosenfeld (Kamenev is a pseudonym he took quite in the spirit of that time) is a typical path of a professional revolutionary. From his student days he joined the Social Democratic and then the Bolshevik movement. He was arrested, was in exile, and carried out active propaganda work. In Paris, fate brought him together with Lenin.

I met him while in exile in Turukhansk. Kamenev had difficult personal relationships and frequent ideological disagreements with the future leader of the Proletarian Revolution. Thus, Kamenev did not approve of the slogan that one should wish the tsarist government defeat in the First World War.

On the eve of the October Revolution, together with G. Zinoviev, Kamenev publicly issued a statement in the press that a number of comrades did not support the idea of ​​the need for armed action against the Provisional Government. , considering such a step treacherous, demanded the expulsion of Kamenev and Zinoviev from the ranks of the party. Kamenev was indeed expelled and ordered to strictly submit to party discipline from now on.

Party career of Lev Kamenev

From the first months of the establishment of Soviet power, Kamenev, in fact, became the mayor of Moscow (while his party comrade, G. Zinoviev, became the mayor of Leningrad). He was first the chairman, then a member of the presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. After 1922, due to Lenin's illness, it was Kamenev who regularly held meetings of the Polituro. He also proposed Stalin’s candidacy for the post of party leader. In alliance with the latter, he actively fought against L. Trotsky’s claim to leadership. However, then Kamenev abruptly changed his position and, together with Zinoviev and Lenin’s widow, opposed the strengthening of Stalin’s personality cult, for which he soon paid with resignation from all posts, expulsion from party members and exile.

In subsequent years, he was expelled, exiled and reinstated in the party more than once. He held the post of Soviet ambassador to fascist Italy, which later fatally played against him. The flywheel of mass repressions began to rapidly unwind after the murder of S. Kirov in early December 1934. Arrested in 1935, Kamenev first received five years in prison on one criminal case, then another ten on another. Finally, a year later, he was brought into the so-called case. "Trotskyist-Zinoviev bloc" and sentenced to death. He faced the verdict courageously and refused the last word.

  • The creators of the fictional series about the poet Sergei Yesenin - father and son Bezrukov - brought to light the version that the immediate cause of the poet's murder was allegedly a telegram sent by Kamenev from Turukhansk to the brother of Emperor Nicholas II - Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich in connection with his abdication of the throne . A version that is unlikely to withstand any serious criticism. Compared to such fanatics of the revolution as Lenin and Trotsky, Kamenev seemed to be a decent and intelligent person. That is why he was repeatedly asked to intercede for cultural figures who were threatened with prison and execution, and he really helped where he could.


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